Source: Medium
Fundasaun Mahein (FM) has long analysed issues of migration, focusing in the past on young Timorese seeking work overseas and the risks of Timor-Leste’s open visa policy and weak migration controls. This article focuses on another aspect: the politics of migration in developed countries, and the ways in which Timorese communities abroad are affected by these dynamics.
In recent years, serious incidents involving Timorese have drawn negative headlines overseas. In Northern Ireland, the death of a young Timorese child has been treated as murder, with several people charged. In Portugal, a fight in the pilgrimage town of Fátima left one Timorese man dead and others injured. Elsewhere in England and Northern Ireland, public brawls involving Timorese have been reported, with graphic videos of the incidents being shared widely on social media. While these incidents are painful and tragic, they have unfortunately become political symbols, amplified in public debates online, of wider controversies surrounding migration in the developed world.
While these incidents are not representative of Timorese migrants in general, or indeed any other group, it is also important to understand the wider social and political context in which these events are occurring. In Europe and North America, the reality is that incidents involving immigrants receive far greater scrutiny than those involving locals, particularly when the individuals are visibly non-European. In towns such as Dungannon in Northern Ireland, which hosts a significant Timorese population, even normal cultural practices such as gathering in large groups for ceremonies and parties increase visibility of immigrant communities, and this can lead to resentment when tensions already exist.
The rise of anti-immigrant politics across Europe and North America is also shaping public responses to incidences of violence involving migrants. Right-wing political parties and movements have built support by focusing heavily on mass migration, often portraying immigrants as a source of disorder or as “taking advantage” of generous welfare systems and strong economies. Anti-immigration protests have erupted in many countries, from the UK to Germany, Portugal and Ireland. Even governments that once vocally supported multiculturalism and open immigration policies have shifted. In the UK, Prime Minister Keir Starmer recently spoke of Britain becoming “an island of strangers,” which reflects the growing pressure on politicians to adopt a harder line on migration.
While anti-immigrant politicians and movements have taken advantage of latent xenophobia or racism among western publics, an underlying reality is that migration from non-EU countries into much of Europe and North America has increased significantly since the early 2000s. In the United Kingdom, long-term net migration rose sharply under the 1997 Labour government and remained high thereafter. More recently, there has been a significant rise in non-EU migration as the UK ended free movement for EU citizens but expanded other migration routes. These patterns have been replicated across many developed countries, creating visible demographic changes in parts of the world which were, up until recently, much more homogeneous.
The reasons for increased migration into developed regions are complex and go far beyond changes to government policies. Conflict, poverty and instability in many parts of the world have led to millions of people migrating from Global South to Global North. Information and communication technologies such as social media have further facilitated the growth of migration by enabling real-time global communication about migration routes, visa policies, living conditions and work opportunities. Even human trafficking networks utilise social media to communicate with “clients” about pickup locations, transport routes and prices.
At the same time, in many developed countries, wages have stagnated, housing has become unaffordable and public services are under pressure. While migration is not the root cause, many citizens associate these problems with the recent arrival of large numbers of migrants. Economists debate the socio-economic impacts of mass migration from underdeveloped regions to more developed ones. Some argue that inflows of “low-cost labour” depress wages for native citizens – particularly those working in low wage jobs – while raising demand for housing and public services and boosting profits for employers. On the other hand, others argue that migration contributes to economic growth and improves the overall situation for all. Regardless of the reality, the perception that low-cost migrant labour benefits business owners at the expense of local workers has contributed to declining support for multiculturalism and liberal migration policies.
FM also observes that some Timorese socio-cultural features and habits bring increased risks in the context of migration. Timor-Leste is primarily an oral society rooted in family networks, and as such we tend to rely more on family connections and word of mouth than written rules, articles or books. Many who leave the country do so with the sole aim of earning money, without knowing much about the country to which they are moving, including laws, geography, economy, culture and customs. Some travel with the intention to work illegally, as they may have been told by friends of relatives that it is “easy” to find a job once they are inside the country. These behaviours have consequences, as seen in the UK’s decision in 2023 to end its visa-free policy for Timorese nationals, citing abuses of migration rules and illegal work.
There are also specific examples of Timorese engaging in problematic activities abroad which raise serious concerns. Timorese workers in Australia’s labour mobility program have travelled for martial arts grade exams in Brisbane, which highlights the way in which some “export” martial arts group (MAG) activities overseas. FM has monitored martial arts activities for many years and is deeply worried by reports of rival MAG members fighting each other in England. Another example is the continuation of cockfighting (futu manu) by Timorese migrants in the UK. While this practice may once have occurred discreetly in more remote areas such as Northern Ireland, today it is considered taboo and is strongly condemned as cruel and illegal under local norms and animal rights protections. Such behaviours reflect a disregard for local rules and cultures, and they promote a negative image of Timorese as well as of non-western migrants in general. While in principle people should avoid stereotyping, in practice stereotyping is common, even among Timorese themselves, as seen in prejudices between Lorosa’e and Loromonu. Sadly, activities such as cockfighting or MAG rivalries feed existing prejudices and reinforce stereotypes that portray non-western migrants as less committed to modern ethics, rule of law and respect for animal rights.
Unfortunately, Timorese abroad risk being judged not only for their own behaviour but also for the frustrations of host societies. Although most migrants are law-abiding and hard-working, a single high-profile incident can harm the reputation of the whole group. Particularly in the age of social media, incidents that might once have been overlooked can quickly become a flashpoint for hostility, discrimination, protests and even violence.
FM supports Timorese who wish to travel to work abroad as long as they abide by visa and labour laws, adapt to local customs and avoid antisocial behaviour. Remittances sent by Timorese working abroad are an important source of financial support for thousands of families. However, mass emigration of young Timorese also has significant costs, as it means that thousands of our most ambitious young people are not available to work in productive activities at home. This “brain drain” is a serious dilemma facing many developing countries, as the benefits of remittances and skill improvement from working abroad must be compared with the long-term harms of mass emigration of young people.
Migration politics in developed countries are beyond our control, and the situation is likely to become more difficult over the next decade. Meanwhile, Timor-Leste is facing a fiscal cliff and growing domestic frustration with elite corruption and lack of socio-economic progress. FM believes that the only viable long-term solution is to address the root cause of mass emigration: the Government’s failure to create a thriving economy and equitable job opportunities. Strengthening our domestic economy will mean that migration becomes a choice rather than a necessity, while the dignity of our people is protected both at home and abroad. At the same time, FM recommends that Timorese embassies integrate cultural induction programs for citizens preparing to work abroad. These could be delivered through accessible channels such as WhatsApp groups, and would help new migrants to understand host-country rules, customs and expectations, reducing risks to individuals while strengthening Timor-Leste’s name as a democratic country based on the rule of law.
